Beer & Society

So, I’ve avoided the Gates/Obama/Crowley thing because, frankly, it seems like a sideshow the media likes because it is easy and cheap to report, pushes emotional buttons, and captures eyeballs for their advertisers. But, now I’m hearing something that made me perk up a bit — the participants have agreed to have a beer together. But each gets to pick their own beer.

So, you have to pick a beer and the whole world is watching. What do you do? What *Do* You Do? I’ve heard that the beers will break down as follow:

Obama: Bud Light
Gates: Red Stripe
Crowley: Blue Moon

Hoo boy. Cheap (but not cheap enough), mass produced Belgian-Brazilian swill; expensive Jamaican swill; and a fruity beer. Perhaps I’ve been overly optimistic when I’ve dismissed cries about the fall of society.

In my mind, there are two ways to go with this decision — and, really, it’s a fork in the road that presents itself when I’m making my beer selections as well. Either you go full on with the cheap swill factor, or you pick a really finely crafted beer. On the one hand, you get value & volume. On the other hand, you get quality. All of these gentlemen have made selections which provides none of these virtues.

Really, is there a real difference between Natural Light and Bud Light other than the price and advertising? And, while I enjoy the occasional Natural Light, if I were the President, I’d feel a need to avoid picking something brewed by a Belgian/Brazilian conglomerate. As long as you’re down in the swill, go with something more or less American like Old Milwaukee, Pabst, or — Chicago boy that he is — Old Style. (Or Yuengling if the Pabst brewing company’s use of other brewer’s production facilities is a disqualification).

And, if quality is what you’re gunning for, pick up a nice craft brew. I’m a Hoosier, so I’d go for something from 3 Floyds or Oaken Barrel or the Lafayette Brewing Co. Surely there is something nice in their localities.

Bud Light. Pah! And, here I thought Obama was our *cool* President.

Text of Barack Obama’s Inaugural Speech

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land – a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many.

They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America – they will be met. On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted – for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things – some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn. Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions – that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act – not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions – who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them – that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works – whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account – to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day – because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control – and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart – not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort – even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus – and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.

To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West – know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.

We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment – a moment that will define a generation – it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends – hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism – these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility – a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence – the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed – why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

“Let it be told to the future world…that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive…that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].”

America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

On Bush

This is the last weekend of the Bush Presidency. KagroX notes the Politico’s bafflement at people thinking Bush sucked. I recently had an exchange from one of my Republican friends where he said something along the lines of “at least Republicans respect the office of the Presidency even if they disagree with the President.”

This notion of “respecting the Office” has always confused me a bit. (Never mind that I didn’t note a whole lot of ‘respect for the Office’ when the umpteen thousand frivolous Clinton investigations were ongoing.) When I heard “respect the office” during the Bush presidency, it usually seemed to be code for “shut up and take it.” The best I can do is take “respect the office” as the equivalent of “give him the benefit of the doubt.” I respect that — but only to the extent there is doubt.

Now, if Bush had done the usual Republican thing — thrown out some tax cuts for the rich, ballooned the deficit, and doled out pork for defense contractors — I wouldn’t have been happy with his Presidency, but it would have been a low level disgruntlement. But, Bush had to kick it up a notch or two. I won’t pretend I was on board with the Bush presidency at any time. I wasn’t. I opposed his Presidency because I thought tax cuts before paying off the debt was idiocy. (During the 2000 election, my Republican friends told me that we ran the risk of “paying off the debt too fast.” Guess we dodged a bullet there.) I also opposed him because his chief qualification for office seemed to be that he had been born to George H.W. and Barbara Bush. Then he came into office on the strength of a sketchy Supreme Court decision. Then we had a summer of rolling blackouts in California where Enron and other energy suppliers were manipulating the markets but the oil men in the executive branch were telling the Dept. of Energy to look the other way.

But then came 9/11. That didn’t bring me over to the column of Bush supporters, but it certainly dampened my opposition. I even had brief hopes that we could all rally around a great cause, root out the religious extremists ruling Afghanistan, and turn the place into a place that was free and prosperous. I had read that Afghanistan was a much better place in the late 60s, early 70s and thought maybe we could return it to that kind of state as an example of what happens when Americans bend their will, energy, money, and military might to a noble cause. That was probably naive on my part. But, we had the world on our side, and as a country, we were united.

The big elephant in the room when discussing the Bush Presidency and when discussing how we pissed away all of that post-9/11 support and unity is, of course, Iraq. The decision to invade and occupy that country is the defining act of Bush’s presidency. That decision led to the corresponding decisions to exaggerate the threat posed by Iraq beyond anything realistic. You had Rumsfeld, Cheney, and Rice assuring the American people they knew where the WMDs were and scaring the American people with the threat of a nuclear holocaust if we didn’t invade Iraq. This was nonsense, of course. And if the likes of Rumsfeld, Cheney, and Rice didn’t know it was overhyped nonsense, they were wilfully ignorant. They wanted to go to war with Iraq anyway, of course. The neo-cons had stated their desire to invade Iraq has part of their Project for a New American Century during the Clinton administration. 9/11 and the WMDs were a pretext. In fact, 9/11 wasn’t a very good pretext inasmuch as none of the hijackers were from Iraq, instead they were from Egypt and Saudi Arabia, primarily. Al qaeda and Iraq never had much use for one another. Sadaam Hussein was a megalomaniac concerned first and last about his own secular power. Al qaeda’s religious zeal would only undermine that power. None of which stopped an ongoing effort by the Bush administration to link 9/11 and Iraq together in the public mind. Viewers of Fox News, as it turns out, were particularly susceptible to such a false message.

The campaign of disinformation was the critical piece of the undertaking. Had the Bush administration waited until the occupation of Iraq could be properly planned and executed, that campaign would have fallen apart as better information became available and as the true expenses of the undertaking (10 – 100x the projected expense) became apparent. International support, weak at its best, would have only gotten weaker as Hussein was increasingly revealed to be a paper tiger instead of a legitimate threat. That’s why we had to go with “the Army we had” instead of the force necessary to do a proper job of occupying Iraq.

Iraq had already hollowed out the support for the Bush administration. Terri Schiavo and Hurricane Katrina would supply the finishing blows. The Schiavo affair seemed to be the last straw for many moderate Republicans — the sorts of folks whose conservatism was more about money and limited government than the ravings of the religious right with whom they had always been uncomfortable bed fellows. You had Bush coming back from vacation early to sign special legislation whereby the federal government was injecting itself into the hospital room of a brain dead woman because of the religious sensibilities of a politically influential minority. This kind of political intervention into private matters for religious regions was intolerable to many otherwise good Republicans.

Katrina zeroed out Bush’s support from non-Republicans. As the nation watched a city drown, they saw a President willing to remain on vacation and do little to nothing. When he did come back, he uttered the immortal words “heckuva job, Brownie” to the head of the Federal Emergency Management Agency; a guy who was doing a demonstrably lousy job. Then, it came to light that this guy wasn’t remotely qualified to lead FEMA. He had been a commissioner for the International Arabian Horse Association. Bush had campaigned on the idea that government was incompetent and seemed determined to prove it through inept, political appointments. With Katrina, it came crashing home to folks that we *need* government for some things and so long as that’s true, we need leadership that would do its level best to make government as effective as possible.

These are just the highlights. There have been any number of lesser or included offenses: political prosecutions and staffing decisions for the Department of Justice; torture; suspension of habeas corpus; yellow cake in the State of the Union; outing Valerie Plame; no-bid contracts; warrantless wiretapping; etc. etc. etc. So, any doubt for which he was entitled to a benefit was long ago erased, and “respect for the office” almost compels disrespect for the man who executed the duties of the office so poorly. Whatever sort of job President Obama may or may not do, the nation will benefit from the end of the Bush Presidency. Good bye and good riddance.

Matt Taibbi: Still Awesome

Matt Taibbi continues to prove he is a national treasure. His latest is entitled “Requiem for a Maverick” and does a little post-mortem on the McCain campaign. Some good bits:

They weren’t just beaten; the very idea of Republican conservatism was massively rejected in virtually every state where large chunks of the population do not believe in the literal existence of a horned devil, and even in some that do.
. . .
They compounded a millionfold Bush’s legacy of incompetence by soiling both possible Republican ideological strategies going forward: They killed off Bush-style neoconservatism as well as the more traditional fiscal conservatism McCain himself was once known for by trying to fuse both approaches into one gorgeously incoherent ticket. It was like trying to follow the recipes for Texas 10-alarm chili and a three-layer Black Forest chocolate cake in the same pan at the same time. The result — well, just take a bite!
. . .
Instead of a plan, they had an endless succession of dumb ideas scrapped at the 11th hour in favor of even dumber ones.
. . .
In short, McCain entered this election season being the worst thing that anyone can be, in the eyes of the Rove-school Republicans: Different. Independent. His own man. He exited the campaign on his knees, all his dignity gone, having handed the White House to the hated liberals after spending the last months of the race with numb-nuts Sarah Palin on his arm and Karl Rove’s cock in his mouth. Even if you wanted to vote for him, you didn’t know who you were voting for. The old McCain? The new McCain? Neither? Both?
. . .
[In 2004], you had a millionaire Yalie in an army jacket taking on a millionaire Yalie in a cowboy hat, fighting tooth and nail for the right to be named the man “middle America most wants to have a beer with” by a gang of Ivy League journalists — a group of people whose closest previous exposure to “middle America” was typically either an episode of Cops or a Von Dutch trucker hat they’d bought for $23 at Urban Outfitters.

Definitely worth reading the whole thing.

Breaking: Senate Democrats Spineless

After he stumped for McCain and a couple of Republican Senators, the Senate Democrats decided to do approximately nothing to Joe Lieberman. He was actively campaigning for McCain while the McCain campaign was accusing Obama of “palling around with terrorists.” This raises the question of what, exactly, a Democratic Senator would have to do to actually cross the line. Would taking a dump on Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s lunch in the Senate cafeteria provoke him to action? Or would it just earn you a sternly worded letter.

The vote was 42-13. I suspect Evan Bayh was among the 42 even though:

Bayh said that Lieberman must first issue a “sincere apology” for campaign attacks warning of the perils of an Obama presidency and a large Democratic majority in Congress. He said Democrats should allow him to keep his chairmanship on the condition that he would not use his subpoena power and influence as chairman to undermine Obama’s presidency. Otherwise, Democrats would take away his gavel at any point next Congress, Bayh warned.

To my knowledge, Lieberman has offered no such “sincere apology.”

Senate aides said Mr. Lieberman did not apologize for his actions, but told his Democratic colleagues that some of his comments on the campaign trail had been misinterpreted. The vote on a resolution letting him keep the homeland security post, while expressing disapproval of his comments on Mr. Obama, was 42 to 13, with newly elected Democratic senators as well as incumbents taking part.

Lieberman did not apologize for supporting McCain, but did seek to clear up comments he has made that were interpreted as critical of Obama or Senate Democrats. “He did not apologize—and he was not asked to apologize—for supporting Sen. McCain,” said Nelson. “That’s over. The election is over. It’s a new era,” the Nebraska senator said.

Lieberman also did not apologize for supporting Republican Sen. Norm Coleman of Minnesota in his race against Democrat Al Franken, the aide said, noting that Coleman supported Lieberman in his last, and toughest, re-election bid.

So, how did Sen. Bayh vote in the absence of the required sincere apology?

Strange Maps: From Pickin’ Cotton to Pickin’ Presidents

Strange Maps has a good entry comparing a map of “blue” counties in the South from the recent election to a map of cotton production in the 1860s, and the overlap is striking.

In the South, most counties cast a majority of votes for John McCain, but a non-trivial number went for Obama. The Obama counties, as it turns out, have a significant correlation with the highest cotton producing regions in the 1860s.

The link between these two maps is not causal, but correlational, and the correlation is African-Americans. Once they were the slaves on whom the cotton economy had to rely for harvesting. Despite an outward migration towards the Northern cities, their settlement pattern now still closely corresponds to that of those days.
. . .
And while their votes did not swing their states towards ‘their’ (2) candidate, the measure in which black residents of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and South Carolina voted for Obama is remarkable in that this particular voting pattern still corresponds with settlement patterns of almost a century and a half ago.

What Happens when Socialism Doesn’t Come?

Kung Fu Monkey asks the question.

All to say — what happens when the Socialist Nightmare never arrives? I mean, it’s been a useful shadow threat for years, a lurking monster that lost a little power after the fall of the Soviet Union, but still had some spark thanks to several generations raised with a primal reaction to the very word. It was the last big wrench in the toolbox, and not one you wanted to pull out ot often.

But the best monsters are always the ones just offscreen. In their thrashing for purchase against Senator Obama, Senator McCain’s campaign may have over-reached. An awful lot of conservative leaders have declared that an Obama presidency is October 22, 1844 in the great battle of freedom versus socialism. Interesting to see what happens when the people who’ve been fed a steady diet of terror images — state-run medical care with month-long waits, abortion kiosks in the mall and forced gay-friendly kindergarten education — encounter instead a higher minimum wage, guaranteed health care, and the occasional bit of science-based policy.

As Kurtz said, “The horror! The horror!”

The Cathedral & the Bazaar: Political Edition

A buddy of mine mentioned some commentary by Alex Castellanos on CNN that I had missed. Castellanos mentioned Obama telling the public that he needs their help. He made a leap to an important essay of the open source software movement entitled the Cathedral and the Bazaar by Eric Raymond.

The gist of the essay in terms of software was that Microsoft was out there building cathedrals — big, cumbersome, often very elaborate software with a central architect. In the meantime, open source software, notably Linux, was being developed in more of a bazaar style. People came and went, the development could be slapdash and disorganized at times, but it was vibrant and the product evolved organically.

Castellanos is suggesting that Obama’s governing style might look a little more like Linux than like Microsoft. We will see. Certainly there is a better chance of an active feedback loop between Obama and the citizenry than there was with Bush/Cheney. Bush and Cheney make Bill Gates look like Linus Torvalds.

Right now it’s easy to project all kinds of hopes and dreams on an Obama Presidency. And this is one of them. But there is reason for optimism on this score with the way he operated his campaign. It was organized, of course, but it also depended a great deal on initiative in the lower echelons of the organization. One of the great disappointments of the Bush administration came after 9/11. The country was united and ready for direction. I got the sense that we were ready to work together if someone would point the way in which we could be most useful. About all we got was a recommendation that we all go shopping or go to Disney World. I get the feeling that President Obama will enlist our aid in more substantial ways.

Some quotes from the Cathedral & the Bazaar that strike me as relevant:

When you start community-building, what you need to be able to present is a plausible promise. Your program doesn’t have to work particularly well. It can be crude, buggy, incomplete, and poorly documented. What it must not fail to do is (a) run, and (b) convince potential co-developers that it can be evolved into something really neat in the foreseeable future.
. . .
I think it is not critical that the coordinator be able to originate designs of exceptional brilliance, but it is absolutely critical that the coordinator be able to recognize good design ideas from others.
. . .
Fred Brooks observed that programmer time is not fungible; adding developers to a late software project makes it later. As we’ve seen previously, he argued that the complexity and communication costs of a project rise with the square of the number of developers, while work done only rises linearly. Brooks’s Law has been widely regarded as a truism. . . . [However,] the bazaar method, by harnessing the full power of the “egoless programming” effect, strongly mitigates the effect of Brooks’s Law. The principle behind Brooks’s Law is not repealed, but given a large developer population and cheap communications its effects can be swamped by competing nonlinearities that are not otherwise visible. This resembles the relationship between Newtonian and Einsteinian physics—the older system is still valid at low energies, but if you push mass and velocity high enough you get surprises like nuclear explosions or Linux.

I guess we’ll just have to wait and see what Obama’s governing style looks like.


That’s President Barack Hussein Obama, if you please.

Barack Obama has been elected as the 44th President of these United States.

I would deeply love for Indiana to cast its electoral votes for Obama. At the moment, Indiana is leaning toward Obama with an 8,000 vote lead and 94% of the votes reported. And yet, Wayne County, Indiana — my old home county — has 0% reporting. Come on, Richmond — bring us home.

Senator McCain is giving a gracious concession speech.

Update Unexplained glitches delaying Wayne County.

Update From the comments:

Regarding Wayne County: according to radio station WKBV, one voting machine malfunctioned in such a way that the votes recorded could not be retrieved. The election officials are awaiting a call from Omaha to figure out the problem.

Update Wayne County results in. Now with 99% of the votes counted, Obama looks like he’s leading Indiana by about 15,000 votes with 2.2 million having been cast.